In the case of short-vowel stød that mora lacks segmental content, as it is projected top-down due to local prosodic requirements, not bottom-up by segmental material. It is argued that both short-vowel stød and common Danish stød involve the attachment of a laryngeal feature to a prosodic node-specifically the mora. This paper presents a phonological analysis of a glottalization phenomenon in dialects of Danish known as ‘short-vowel stød’. Further theoretical implications concerning the relationships among features, segments, and syllables are also discussed. In so doing, I reaffirm the need for segmental structure in ASL representations, and I make specific proposal about the nature of this segmental structure. For the case of exceptions discussed in this article, where sonority is not capable of predicting TM distribution (namely, in the aspect forms), I propose a solution using a type of segmental structure. Its pattern of distribution can be determined largely on the basis of the sonority values of the properties specified in the underlying structure of the sign in question. Is TM a unified phonological property or must it be further sub-divided? To what extent is its distribution predictable in surface forms? What formal mechanisms are needed to capture the predictable aspects of its distribution? I conclude that all TM can be handled by a single distinctive feature in the phonology. In this article, I begin with a descriptive typology of TM across mono- and polymorphemic forms, and then I propose an analysis of TM, which addresses the following three questions. The accenting patterns of Cayuga ultimately derive from the fact that Cayuga is a quantity-sensitive language that disprefers quantity.Įvidence from the distribution of ‘trilled movement’ (abbreviated TM) in specific kinds of polymorphemic and monomorphemic forms has been used to argue for a variety of analyses of phonological structure in sign languages. In even-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure (especially that resulting from lengthening) is required in order to avoid metrically adjacent strong elements, and this results in the accenting of all even-numbered penults. In odd-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure can be avoided, and this results in accented odd-numbered open penults and unaccented odd-numbered closed penults.
Syllable structure constraints are that: 1) all things being equal, coda consonants are parsed as light and 2) vowel length is dispreferred. It is shown that Cayuga accent placement is predictable from metrical structure, and that metrical structure is in turn influenced by constraints on syllable structure. A more consistent view emerges if Danish, like the rest of the Scandinavian languages, Insular and Continental, is analyzed as a strict 'complementary length' type, such that stressed syllables are all parsed as heavy, that is, with a strictly bimoraic syllabic nucleus.Ĭayuga (Northern Iroquoian) is a pitch accent language displaying different conditions for the accenting and lengthening of even-numbered and odd-numbered penults (counting from left to right). Making syllable structure dependent on the traditional notion of 'stød basis' severs syllable structure from the rest of the phonology. Similarly, systematic alternations between long and short vowels in pairs like skabe-skabt are arbitrary processes, if obstruents cannot be moraic.
Second, if obstruents cannot be moraic, it is impossible to state important interdependencies between the length of the vowel and the size of consonant clusters in the same syllable, regardless of which major class the first consonant of the cluster belongs to. First, there is no difference in duration nor the possibility of a phonological contrast between long and short consonants, even in cases of contrast, such as in pen, with stød, versus ven, without. This paper argues that the Danish coda consonants in kat and tal or the intervocalic obstruents in katte and stokke are, in fact, moraic.
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